People Who Ate Delhi’s Smoke

We are the cursed boat people

They said we have snatched their jobs

And then, we were killed in a factory

before we could call them murderers.

~~

They outraged over jobs, onions, freedom

They said we were dying, with anger in their hearts,

fire in their voices …

We applauded, eyes moist,

“They stand up for us, our hungry bellies, our empty plates”

We had to die to know

Those were mere speeches.

Liars! 

(C) Pallavi Singh, December 2019.

Photo credit: https://www.pexels.com/photo/burn-cooking-delhi-india-906526/

#Labour #FactoryFire #MigrantLabourers

Top reads on Indian microeconomics

I usually don’t do this but I am tempted to share an amazing thread by Prof Chinmay Tumbe of IIM-A on some of the top reads in Indian Microeconomics. Sharing some of his recommendations here:

  1. https://www.ierdse.org

1

2. https://t.co/6bvARGYCaL

Journal of Quantitative Economics, started in 1983 by The Econometric Society of India (TIES); On Springer, volumes available from 2003.

3. https://t.co/xDa98NbJQn

Journal of Income & Wealth (Vol. 40 published in 2018), of the Indian Association for Research in National Income and Wealth. Papers from 2003.

4. https://www.springer.com/economics/journal/41775

1

5. https://www.emerald.com/insight/publication/issn/1753-8254

Indian Growth and Development Review, since 2008.

6. https://t.co/OUKvz7ghH3

South Asian Journal of Macroeconomics and Public Policy, published in association with CSSS Calcutta. Since 2012.

7. http://www.i-scholar.in/index.php/ArthaVij/issue/archive

Artha Vijnana of GIPE Pune since 1959.

 

8. Some classics published in the EW 1949-65 () and since then EPW () – whose other contribution is creating useful a time series statistical database –

9. https://journals.sagepub.com/loi/mar
Margin: The Journal of Applied Economic Research of NCAER, since 2007
Indian Journal of Economics, University of Allahabad, published since 1916
11. Research tool to search topic titles published in Indian Journals is housed at ISID, Delhi (), earlier on CDs and now online here:

Should India toe the US line on Huawei?

Huawei, since the start of 2018, has emerged as the most controversial Chinese company. The telecommunications major, with $100 billion in revenue in 2018, has been facing the wrath of US President Donald J. Trump and other leaders who have accused it of aiding the Chinese government with cyber espionage, IP threat and trade violations. The struggle has gone on for too long (the entire timeline of the conflict is here), and with significant impact, potentially shaping the trajectory of the global technology landscape, especially Asia’s.

In the US-China tug-of-war over Huawei, other countries seem to also have acted against the Chinese company. Australia and New Zealand have blocked mobile providers from using the company’s 5G services, besides European telecoms companies — France’s Orange (ORAN) and BT (BT) in the United Kingdom. Germany’s Deutsche Telekom (DTEGY) and Japan’s SoftBank (SFTBF) are reviewing their use of Huawei equipment.

Yet, Huawei has reported an increase in smartphone sales and has also announced the development of its own operating system called the Harmony OS, independent of iOS and Android operating systems. Trump’s ban on the company has led to unpleasant outcomes though: Huawei has laid off hundreds of US workers; its revenues are expected to drop to $100 billion this year, down from around $104 billion last year; and its new launches are severely delayed.

India is roughly 100 days away from its 5G trials and it can’t make up its mind on whether Huawei should be invited to the trials. Reasons are obvious. Huawei operations in India are now in the 22nd year, having built the trust of Indian consumers and a strong market presence since 1998 when it first entered India with an R&D center in Bangalore. India is now a strong market for inexpensive mobile devices and Huawei is doing very well in this market. In 2015, the company also became the first large Chinese corporation ”to supply locally-made products” in the Indian market. Reaching here means huge investments by Huawei in India and this can not be ignored while making any decisions on the India operations of Chinese telecom major. Pre-empting any adverse action, China has gone ahead and warned India of reverse sanctions if it bans Huawei. 

So, should India put curbs on Huawei just like the US has? The answer lies in the policies India wants to adopt to grow its share in international trade. Any attempt to place the curbs would be short-sighted, at best. We can’t deny the presence of domestic lobbies within India who have been wanting Huawei out for the sheer expansion of the company in India’s smartphone market that has made it a market leader. This has happened in spite of the absence of any free trade agreement between India and China. Huawei, for cellular operators in India, also continues to present a more affordable choice given its utterly competitive pricepoint. Placing any curbs at this point in time would only address concerns of domestic cellphone manufacturing lobbies at work, and not really address the future needs of the telecom industry in India which is set to explode with 5G.

Concerns that Huawei may be collaborating with the Chinese government to gather and pass on sensitive information and jeopardize India’s national security, maybe valid and therefore, need to be adequately addressed. But merely banning Huawei isn’t the solution given that there are a number of foreign companies at work in the space and any of them could inflict the same damage as Huawei is feared to inflict. India may be part of US’s plans to forge an anti-China alliance, but it is in such difficult times that it becomes all the more important that India independently decides what’s good for its people. Having Huawei around means India has more choice in terms of smartphones, more competition in the market, and a chance at better telecom services, all of which augur well for the growth of telecom industry in India. With the US closing its doors, Huawei will try its best to hold on to India, and India reciprocating the same can position herself not just as a country that can hold on to its own stance independent of where the US and its geopolitical ambitions stand, but also as a country that thinks and acts to safeguard her long-term economic interests.

The Kashmir Conundrum

Apologies for being away for almost a week. I have missed you, hope you have too.

I had no realization of what significant events my brief interlude from blogging would bring. But while I have been away, Jammu and Kashmir as a state of India don’t exist the way it used to. It’s now a Union Territory with a Legislature. The state was also bifurcated to create an independent UT of Ladakh with no legislature. This also meant article 370 of the Indian Consitution, which conferred special status to the state of J&K, was modified. Before this, this special status allowed J&K to have its own constitution, its own flag and its own laws independent of the same in the union of India. Now, people from all over India can buy land in Kashmir, set up businesses and invest; Indian government’s welfare schemes, rules, and regulations will now be applicable in the state.

Before the bill to this effect was passed in Parliament, Indian Army troops moved into J&K, clamped down on the Internet and detained local politicians and separatists. There have been apprehensions of violence and unrest over the development. As we speak, this continues with an eerie silence from the international community with the exception of Pakistan and China. What’s evident is that most countries in the world seem to be viewing this exercise by the Indian government as an internal matter of India, recognizing its sovereignty in dealing with its internal affairs. Pakistan, however, thinks otherwise and has already reached out to the UN and a host of other countries to offer their support in condemning India.

A Contested Past

Unlike the differing viewpoints on Kashmir, there are thankfully no conflicting opinions on how J&K acceded to India. I particularly liked this academic EPW piece on the history of the troubled state. The main points in the piece can be summarised as below:

  • At the time of independence of India, Hari Singh, the then king of J&K was ambiguous about acceding to India or Pakistan. He brokered a deal with the British govt to stay independent. This state was not to be, as an attack by Pakistani pastuns compelled Hari Singh to reach out to India for help. India, in turn, sought J&K accession to India.
  • At the time of accession, India adopted the policy that in case of dispute over J&K’s status, the matter should be settled in accordance with the wishes of people. However, India also considered the accession a purely temporary and provisional arrangement, as stated in the Government of India’s White Paper on J&K in 1948.
  • J&K was conferred the special status via Article 370; you could read all about the provision in detail here. Briefly, this article limited the Union government’s legislative power over Kashmir to just three subjects- foreign affairs, defense, and communications. This in effect ensured J&K’s autonomy.
  • Further, to strengthen this arrangement, certain riders were put in place: the central government couldn’t make any changes in the article without issuing a presidential order, with approval of the state legislature, and only after the changes were incorporated in the state constitution.

Why The Scrapping of 370 Was Welcomed:

  • Home Minister Amit Shah, in his speech in Lok Sabha, said article 370 had for years separated J&K from India, with the provision misused by separatists and sympathizers of separatists in the state. Shah’s argument was in line with the BJP’s historic stand on article 370, which has also been on their poll manifesto for years.
  • Another argument highlighted the lack of development in the state because of the special status of J&K. Shah said because of the article, many of the central government’s schemes and benefits didn’t reach the people of Kashmir.Manish Sabharwal wrote in The Indian Express:

Historians warn against “presentism” and Kashmir’s history is too long and complex to belong to any party, community, individual or religion. But it would be foolish to deny that Kashmir’s last few maharajas were distracted and disinterested in development. Monarchies or hereditary leadership are ineffective because they think of citizens or voters as a necessary evil that must be tolerated, possibly patronised, but certainly ignored. Naya Kashmir — a memorandum that Sheikh Abdullah submitted to Maharaja Hari Singh in 1944 — outlined a plan to convert J&K from an absolute monarchy to a constitutional democracy, called for universal franchise, freedom of expression and press, ability of women to work in all trades and professions, and a detailed economic plan. Much of what he sought is enshrined in our Constitution but his vision of social justice, economic progress and poverty reduction — which he couldn’t achieve in his lifetime — is highly relevant for Kashmir today….

India and J&K are tremendously and permanently intertwined. When one does well, the other does well. And when we both do well, we are unstoppable.

  • An overwhelming number of Kashmiri pundits rejoiced the scrapping of 370, arguing that with the provision gone, they would return to their homes in J&K from where they had to flee at the peak of separatist violence in the state.
  • Article 370 was acted as a shield for terrorists in J&K, who brainwashed Kashmiri youth against India and took undue advantage of their economic situation arising out of the poor development in the state.

Why The Scrapping of 370 Was Condemned:

  • Scrapping of 370 hits at the autonomy of J&K, many argued.
  • With the special status gone, outsiders can buy and in J&K. Many viewed this as a vicious attempt to engineer a demographic transition in the Muslim-dominate d state.
  • The move attacked the “Idea of India” and diluted Kashimiriyat. 

    Economist Haseeb Drabu, in this piece for Mint, argued:

For the people of J&K, the biggest benefit of the state having greater legislative latitude under Article 370 has been the radical restructuring of agrarian relations. It was the first state in India, much before the communist government in Kerala, to carry out non-compensatory land reforms.

… These land reforms along with a massive debt write-off undertaken over 20 years, from 1951 to 1973, transformed the lives of rural masses and underlie J&K’s better-than national average human development indicators.

Samar Halarnkar in this piece for Scroll, argues that the move marks the slow un-democratization of India:

Aided and approved by vast swathes of the media, the Opposition, the administration and the Indian people, the Kashmir deception is the most impressive feat yet achieved in the slow, gradual process of dimming the lights of India’s democracy.

India has been set on course towards the darkness for some time. Successive Congress governments deliberately allowed India’s democracy to be clouded by the continuation and deployment of laws – old and new – meant to be used by a ruler against the ruled.

We did not complain enough when thousands suffered the wrongful use of vaguely worded laws: against terrorism, criminal defamation, information-technology misuse and sedition, the last of which has been freely used over the years against sloganeering students, villagers protesting power plants and cartoonists.

What Now?

I can not help but talk about the continued media clampdown in J&K. It’s been a week and news from the state has been a trickle, not a storm, as one would expect. The manner in which the move was hurried through, raises these legitimate concerns:

1. Future of media freedom in India – because even as we speak, reports suggest that people in and outside of Kashmir can’t still reach their families, and journalists aren’t moving freely in the state to be able to send regular reports.

2. State of democracy in India – because, firstly, the state assembly had no role to play in this move, and the parliament didn’t discuss a sensitive provision such as this enough before the bill was rushed to voting.

3. Position of courts on the government move – National Conference party has already challenged the government move in Supreme Court, but legal experts say this may not be a cakewalk. Here is The Print report that explored instances in the past when Indian courts have ruled on Article 370.

4. Role and future of political parties in J&K 

5. Will this bring about peace or conflict in the region?

6. Implications for India’s federal structure – Louise Tillin wrote in The Hindu:

 This is not the first time that a Central government has used its powers to bifurcate a State in the absence of local consensus. This was also seen with the creation of Telangana in 2014. As in the case of Telangana, the creation of the Union Territory of Ladakh does respond to a long-run demand in this region with a substantial Buddhist population. However, the decision to transform the remainder of J&K State into a Union Territory, at the same time as annulling Article 370, is a departure with profound and as yet unknown consequences in Kashmir, and wider implications for Indian federalism.

There are undeniably worrying aspects to the latest development in J&K. While there are no clear answers to this now, it’s important to say that the manner in which the government went ahead with scrapping of article 370, it should not keep us in any illusion about the state of the democratic process in India. We could only hope that good sense prevails and there is no repeat.

Don’t Let TikTok Play You!

I couldn’t resist my curiosity to find out more about TikTok, the social media app that’s bringing the mass following for scores of people from India’s hinterland. Watching all those TikTok people for a couple of days, I am left with an overpowering sense of fatigue. I know I qualify to be judgemental, elitist and parochial purely because I am saying that I am tired of TikTok. But if this is the new form of a culture shaped by an app that makes you while away your time creating nothing but millions of crassly funny videos, I say, God save us.

It’s not a question of moral trepidation, though: In an economy where jobs have been shrinking and an education system that doesn’t focus on skills but mere degrees, I couldn’t blame these teenagers out to have some fun on TikTok. Perhaps, they don’t have anything better to do. Many users are from small towns of India with luxury to bunk colleges where nothing much happens except irregular classes and absentee teachers. However, must these people still not show some enterprise and find out ways to find meaning in their lives instead of acting like small children obsessed with dumb toys?

TikTok, after all, is no YouTube. There is no window of originality here – you aren’t a hero here because you are a great singer or a dancer or actor. But even popular artists today are on TikTok – from singers to actors to dancers. TikTok has amassed great audiences and everyone seems to want a pie of this. Its appeal lies in the ease with which it allows users to film and edit musical videos or to lip-sync to popular film dialogues which can be picked from its database of songs, visual effects, or sound bites. Everyone else with originality is here because they want the audience, but the popularity of second-rate content creators far exceeds the original folks here. This is what TikTok does – a user may be from any place on earth but if one can appeal to the taste of audiences on TikTok, that’s what matters. And I am all for little known talent to splash all over us, but there is a problem of quality with popular taste and TikTok exhibits it only too well.

Some of the videos are so tasteless, yet shockingly popular, that it makes you wonder if we are hurtling towards an apocalypse where it would no longer matter if any good art exists as long as it has a million views.

TIkTok world is a strange world – strange and sometimes pretty faces keep staring at the screen lip-syncing to a song or some humor and millions watch it and want more. It’s all aimless because it’s not going anywhere. These 15-second videos are hurting eyes, attention spans, our idea of time and our sense of propriety. In any other universe, this would be abnormal. But what TikTok has done is create its own alternate universe where no one has to face the real world anymore. The real world where stalking girls isn’t funny and sexist jokes can’t pass as internet-breaking humor! Of course, there is hardly any political correctness in TikTok stars, most of them teenagers, which is even more worrying given these folks will eventually someday walk into the real world far different from the virtual reality they create and inhabit. The sheer scale of TikTok is terrifying: it is not just the most popular social app on the planet but also a fast-growing one, promising to distort reality as it exists.

To start with, there are tools to distort, conflate or deflate you physically; then there are tools to always beautify your world no matter where you are dancing before your camera in dingy surroundings or next to a nullah. And there are always Bollywood songs to sing, no matter whether you understand music or not.

This is not the real world but is TikTok better than the grim facts of life? Maybe not, as its users have complained of abuse and harassment on the platform with the app management doing nothing at all. But when TikTok meets the real world, it can get fatal. A boy died while making a video for TikTok, a man killed his wife for being active on the app, and another woman committed suicide after her husband reprimanded her for being on TikTok; TikTok stardom sometimes leads to grim murders, and we don’t like these at all.